Created Equal: A History of the United States, Volume 1, 4th Edition. Jacqueline A. Jones, University of Texas in Austin. Peter H. Wood, Duke University. Thomas . Editorial Reviews. About the Author. Jacqueline Jones was born in Christiana, Delaware, a small town of people in the northern part of the state. The local. For U.S. History survey courses. Examine American history through the lens of contested equality. Created Equal: A History of the United States frames the.

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Uploaded by: ERNESTO Created Equal: A History of the United States, Volume 1, Books a la Carte Edition (4th Edition) (): Jacqueline L. Jones, Thomas. Aug 4, new PDF '18 Created Equal: A History of the United States, Volume 2, Books a la Carte Edition (5th Edition) Full Online, new PDF '18 Created. Jul 19, For U.S. History survey courses Examine American history through the lens of contested equality Created Equal: A History of the United States.

In the Netherlands, for instance, the majority of dual nationals are Dutch-Moroccans—who also, in fact, experience difficulties renouncing their Moroccan citizenship and so may be unable to become mono Dutch citizens. I actually feel the same way.

Act normally or get out. The affirmation of the right of every person to a nationality, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and later in many universal and regional treaties, has particularly influenced the shape of international norms. Indeed, states appear to have derived justification for targeting dual nationals for denationalisation from the international norms pertaining to statelessness.

This results in a divide between Dutch citizens that hold one nationality and Dutch citizens with multiple nationalities, whereby the former cannot be denationalised.

This is a legitimate divide. Preventing statelessness is the reason to revoke nationality in some cases and to not revoke nationality in other cases. More specifically, the Convention allows nationality to be revoked from naturalised citizens as a result of long-term residence abroad or if it was acquired by fraud—even if this leaves the person concerned stateless.

Here, again, the possibility of citizenship being an unequal status seems to find support in international law: this norm tolerates policies that make naturalised citizens more susceptible to citizenship revocation policies than native-born citizens.

However, there are a number of other important international norms and general principles of law that are also relevant to the question of how unequal denationalisation regimes are to be understood. These include the prohibition of arbitrary deprivation of nationality 49 and the principles of non-discrimination and proportionality that form integral elements of that prohibition.

As set out in Sect.

Created Equal: A History of the United States, Volume 1, 4th Edition

As the UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance wrote: Rarely do States explicitly discriminate on the basis of race, ethnicity or national origin in their citizenship stripping process. However, overbroad policies ostensibly rooted in national security concerns permit arbitrary enforcement—including arbitrary deprivation of citizenship—which in practice have a disproportionate effect on marginalised racial, national and religious groups.

This is true even in the absence of de jure or intentional discrimination. So, while the primary purpose of the Convention is to reduce the incidence of statelessness, the treaty itself recognises that there is a broader international principle at stake that must be applied as a blanket rule—separate from and regardless of the question of whether the result of denationalisation is statelessness.

Looking more closely, the UN Human Rights Committee explains that not every form of differential treatment constitutes discrimination. For instance, will citizenship stripping actually effectuate either purpose if only a small sub-set of citizens is subject to the measure—i. And, if deprivation of nationality is used as an added punishment for some citizens, but not others, how is this to be understood in light of the legal principle of ne bis in idem to not be punished twice for the same crime?

It imposes barriers to lawful return to the country, but terrorism is a global security threat that reaches beyond national borders. Terrorist attacks can be orchestrated from abroad and carried out by others in terrorist networks. Also, being denationalised does not keep a person out of a country: he or she may travel on false papers and continue to pose a threat to society. By taking away the bond of citizenship, governments may actually have less means at their disposal to track or take action against the person and so by turning citizens suspected of terrorism into foreigners, governments are exporting a security threat to the international community.

Indeed, as Esbrook summarised: Expansion of citizenship-stripping proposals fractures international cooperation, provides tacit encouragement to States who use citizenship-stripping as a political tool to consolidate power, normatively sets the international community backwards in its evolution towards rights promotion and individual empowerment, and requires implementation of a new and extreme policy where existing law enforcement tools already exist. Here, it is important to point out that mono nationals and native-born citizens are subject to a plethora of other measures set out in criminal law such as preventive detention, passport revocation, monitoring etc.

Why are these measures not simply applied in the same way to all nationals, without the state reaching for the added and far-reaching instrument of citizenship revocation for some? Doing so would prevent the discriminatory application of nationality deprivation measures and its concomitant effect on social cohesion.

Citizenship law is not criminal law.

Created Equal: A History of the United States, Volume 1, 4th Edition

Nor is it national security law. As Hirsch Ballin explains: The methods of international terrorism are effectively directed against the foundations of societies based on trust in the rule of law […] Once trust in the law is battered, the door is open for political views that, while vehemently opposing such violent fundamentalists, mirror their culture essentialism: on their turn, populist politicians reject the idea of a free public space for all under the rule of law, and advocate an inward-looking nationalistic ideology.

While the trend at the time of writing is towards greater use of nationality deprivation as a security measure, the example of Canada shows that policy can be reversed and the democratic value of equal citizenship can be upheld. Yet, citizenship stripping is a measure that is as old as the existence of nationality law and seems to have always been an unequal measure—with some citizens holding a more precarious citizenship status than others.

The contemporary trend towards the securitisation of nationality policy has, perhaps belatedly, drawn attention to the discriminatory effect of this inequality. Once admitted, naturalised citizens are equal to birth-right citizens and should be indistinguishable from them, able to participate in the democratic life of the state on the same terms. If their continuing-to-belong is contingent on behaviour, naturalisation serves little purpose and becomes indistinguishable from a form of conditional residence status.

Where the naturalised citizen is mistrusted, citizenship stripping is put to work as a weapon which turns badly-behaved citizens into foreigners again, allowing them to be deported, or prevented from re-entering the country and thereby severing the link that has been so painstakingly built up and had received the highest form of legal recognition through the conferral of nationality.

It is true that it is in the interest of both states and individuals that statelessness be avoided and that this is affirmed by the human right to a nationality. But, as this article has discussed, just as nationality deprivation policies must be understood in their wider societal context, so must the duty on states to prevent statelessness be understood as part of a wider web of international standards and principles.

In , the Convention on certain questions relating to the conflict of nationality laws provided that a woman could only lose her nationality on the basis of marriage with a foreigner if she acquires the nationality of her husband—a measure specifically aimed at preventing statelessness.

By analogy then, while it remains of utmost importance to take measures to protect people from being rendered stateless, this norm cannot be invoked in a way that excuses from closer scrutiny policies that withdraw nationality from dual nationals only.

As this article set out, it is unclear how nationality revocation as a counter-terrorism measure would ever pass the non-discrimination and proportionality tests prescribed by international law and thereby satisfy the norm prohibiting arbitrary deprivation of nationality.

States have an arsenal of counter-terrorism measures that they can apply, equally, to all citizens. As such, a change of perspective on the legitimacy, merits and wisdom of invoking citizenship deprivation—an inherently unequal measure—to ensure national security appears to be overdue.

Her most recent book is America and the Pill: A History of Promise, Peril and Liberation.

All men are created equal

Professor May served as president of the American Studies Association in and president of the Organization of American Historians in Vicki L.

Ruiz grew up in Florida. For her, history remains a grand adventure, one that she began at the kitchen table, listening to the Colorado stories of her mother and grandmother. The first in her family to receive an advanced degree, she graduated from Gulf Coast Community College and Florida State University, then went on to earn a Ph.

Mexican Women in 20th-Century America. A Historical Encyclopedia. She has participated in student mentorship projects, summer institutes for teachers, and public humanities programs. A fellow of the Society of American Historians, Dr. Ruiz was inducted into the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in Past president of the Organization of American Historians , she is currently President of the American Historical Association, the flagship organization for historians across all fields with over 14, members.

The mother of two grown sons, she is married to Victor Becerra, an urban planner and community activist. Would you like to tell us about a lower price?

If you are a seller for this product, would you like to suggest updates through seller support? For U. History survey courses Examine American history through the lens of contested equality Created Equal: Presenting a rich historical analysis in a chronological framework, the authors challenge students to think critically about the ongoing struggles over equal rights and the shifting boundaries of inclusion and acceptance that have characterized American history. Updated with the latest data and statistics, the Fifth Edition covers contemporary issues of inclusion such as marriage equality and the reopening of diplomatic relations with Cuba.

History survey course extends learning online to engage students and improve results. Please note: Created Equal: Read more Read less. Customers who bought this item also bought. Page 1 of 1 Start over Page 1 of 1. Abigail Adams: Charles W. The Way We Lived: Memories of a Military Pilot: Americo Paredes: Mexican American Studies Series.

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Revel for Created Equal: A History of the United States: Review "If you want an excellent textbook that emphasizes the political and social currents of survey U. Read more. Product details Paperback: Pearson; 5 edition January 24, Language: English ISBN Tell the Publisher!

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Current ed. Clipping is a handy way to collect important slides you want to go back to later. Created Equal: Louis and recalls visiting the courthouse where the Dred Scott case originated.

At the age of 33, Jefferson may have also borrowed the expression from an Italian friend, born in Prato , and neighbor, Philip Mazzei , [6] as noted by Joint Resolution of the rd Congress as well as by John F.